International Affairs

EU Plans for the Fight Against Terrorism: A Review

I. Introduction

Increasingly, the threat of terrorism and other emergencies are causing sociopolitical unrest in every community throughout the world. In response to this fact governments are taking measures to secure infrastructure and more importantly citizens. In this research paper four items will be introduced and analyzed: The Council of Europe�s Convention on Cybercrime; a European Commission press release about activities in the fight against terrorism; the European Commission�s communication regarding Critical Infrastructure Protection (CIP); and, the United State�s National Infrastructure Protection Plan.

A. Council of Europe�s Convention on Cybercrime, Budapest, 11.23.2001

This convention was held to establish ground rules and procedures for dealing with cybercrime. The convention proved that computers, especially their connection through the internet is for the most part unregulated and hosts a vast gray area for legal implications; therefore, many articles introduced in this convention are vague at best to cover as much ground as possible in such an unorganized environment as the internet.

Articles include the establishment of laws for handling computer data, the prohibition of child pornography, and copyright infringement controls. More importantly it goes on to emphasize transparency and collaboration between EU member states in the form of sharing investigative responsibilities and data, organizing jurisdictions, and the forming of central authorities in each member state to expedite and aid the transfer of important information regarding criminal proceedings and data for specific cybercrime concerns.

Throughout the convention, the protection of civil and human rights of EU citizens is reflected as a concern that must be realized in all anti-cybercrime activities.

B. European Commission Activities in the Fight against Terrorism, Brussels, 09.21.2005

This press release described Europe�s standing as it relates to several anti-terrorism efforts, and their respective issues, legislation, and proposed legislation. The communication included among other issues procedures for handling anti-terrorism efforts such as prevention of terrorism, finances of terrorism, information exchange throughout European states, and handling of research.

C. European Commission communication regarding Critical Infrastructure Protection (CIP) in the Fight against Terrorism, Brussels, 10.20.2004

Defining Critical Infrastructure (CI) as vital components necessary for stable state operation, the Commission reinforces the concerns of the two items above as well as the introduction of regulatory agencies. This communication highlights the importance of cybercrime control since a successful cyber attack could cause severe damage and chaos to CI. The emphasis on sharing and collaboration between member states is resurrected as a crucial component in curbing terrorism and terrorist actions. Also introduced are the European Programme for Critical Infrastructure Protection (EPCIP) and the Critical Infrastructure Warning Information Network (CIWIN).

D. United States National Infrastructure Protection Plan (NIPP)

As the name of the plan suggests, the NIPP, like the CIP of the European Commission, has been established to protect critical infrastructures and key resources (CI/KR). The NIPP is in place to serve as guidelines for all around control and resiliency of any national emergency, natural disaster, and/or terrorist attack. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) is the fairly new central agency responsible for securing and protecting the nation�s CI/KR; nevertheless, the DHS is supported by classic government agencies such as the Department of Energy and the Department of the Treasury. The outline of the NIPP bears many similarities to the CIP plans of the European Commission.

 

II. Analysis of the Aforementioned EU Plans � Opinion & Comparison with NIPP

 

A. The Positive Factors

The EU�s plans are a result of the collaborative efforts of various nations, utilizing diverse resources, differing ideologies, and regulatory agencies. The establishment of a few central agencies and networks to control plan implementation throughout the EU is a good way to establish authority across all member states. The European Programme for Critical Infrastructure Protection (EPCIP) is a model example of one such central agency. The EPCIP will be successful in my opinion because several groups of interested parties will contribute to its funding, including non-governmental business such as telecom and energy companies (European).

Because the EU is composed of several nations with their own infrastructure in place to handle cybercrime and other criminal activities it can be a daunting task to draw up veritable jurisdictions and delegate authority. However, the EU�s cybercrime convention aims to eliminate confusion with the establishment of EU-wide cyber laws that protect human and civil rights. In late 2004, Germany was faced with a polemic when German officials disagreed as to when it would be permissible to demand customer data from businesses involved in cyberspace, creating civil right issues (German).

Data retention is another topic covered in the EU cybercrime convention where ambiguity is eliminated by the adoption of the Convention on Cybercrime. The convention�s Article 29 outlines an ideal methodology for requesting, utilizing, and disposing of data in an efficient way. In an article regarding data retention the author described some EU countries as wanting to require retention of data by companies involved in cyberspace; nevertheless, Commission authorities rejected the data retention proposals (The European Parliament).

A key strength of the EU�s plans for Critical Infrastructure Protection is the reliance on the owners of critical infrastructure. The NIPP of the U.S. also places responsibility on the owners, but takes on a lot of the burden as well, perhaps as a result of recent terrorist attacks. The U.S. is estimated to spend over $63 billion on CIP and the EU is proposing a mere $140 million. Magnus Ovilius, a senior administrator at the European Commission says that �Responsibility for managing risk will lie primarily with the owners and operators (Lipowicz).�

There are frequent reports that the protection of EU citizens is actively being pursued by the EPCIP, this is proof that the EU�s plans for fighting terrorism are working. In April the European Commission began plans to �identify ports across the European Union which are �critical� to the functioning of the European economy in order to provide them with extra protection from potential terrorist attacks (Brussels).�

B. The Negative Factors

The fact that terrorism is a daily fear for citizens of the world is enough to push for more stringent measures of protecting data, critical infrastructure, and borders � but there are limits as well. The regulations imposed by EU anti-terrorism plans cause many people to dissent on grounds of human/civil right violations. The civil rights issue causes a big clash between the U.S. NIPP and EU plans, though both target similar enemies. This quote from the New York Times is testimony to the controversy at hand:

The European Union’s highest court ruled Tuesday that the Union had overstepped its authority by agreeing to give the United States personal details about airline passengers on flights to America in an effort to fight terrorism (Clark).

Only five months after this court ruling:

European negotiators bowed to U.S. demands to let more American authorities see 34 pieces of information about passengers, including names, addresses, seat numbers and ticket-paying methods (U.S., European Union).

To mend ill relations regarding terrorism issues members of the EU and US President George Bush met in Vienna to pledge adherence to human rights (US to Vow at EU Summit).

The EU plans to counter terrorism and protect CI state that open communication and sharing of information between member states is crucial; However, it is as of late becoming apparent that several issues in EU plans and communications are not up to standards. The president of Romania, Traian Basescu stated that �Intelligence is traveling hard now and only under bilateral agreements between intelligence services of the member states (Romanian).� In addition the EU, in revision of old plans, is having talks of new plans to �retain data from telephone calls and e-mails for a minimum period of 12 months (New EU).�

III. Conclusion

While the EU and the US face the same fear that is an unforeseen terrorist attack, there are different issues for both. The EU is a combination of several nation states while the US is a cohesive unit with several states that respond to one single federal government; in addition, the US has more recent clashes with terrorists to fuel the fight against terrorism. This may be the reason for a very aggressive stance taken by the US Department of Homeland Security, its NIPP has bumped heads with the EU�s plans most notably on the civil rights issues surrounding data and information sharing.

 

Bibliography

“Brussels Ring of Steel for Terror Target Ports.” Lloyd’s List 10 Apr. 2006: 1. Lloyd’s List. 19 Oct. 2006.

Clark, Nicola, and Matthew L. Wald. “Hurdle for U.S. in Getting Data on Passengers.” The New York Times 31 May 2006, Late ed., sec. A: 1.

“European Programme for Critical Infrastructure Protection.” EU Center. 19 Oct. 2006 <http://www.eucenter.org/index.php?action=programs&process=detail&id=99>.

“German Data Officer Says Terrorism Doesn’t Justify Undermining Rights.” Washington Internet Daily 15 Dec. 2004. LexisNexis. George Mason University Library, Fairfax. 19 Oct. 2006.

Lipowicz, Alice. “EU to Spend Far Less for Infrastructure Protection.” Washington Technology 5 July 2005. LexisNexis. George Mason University Library, Fairfax. 19 Oct. 2006.

“New EU Anti-Terror Plan Calls for Retention of Data for 12 Months.” The Hindu 16 Oct. 2006. 19 Oct. 2006 <http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/001200410160312.htm>.

“Romanian President Urges EU to Establish Intelligence Community.” People’s Daily Online 19 Oct. 2006. 19 Oct. 2006 <http://english.people.com.cn/200610/19/eng20061019_313299.html>.

“The European Parliament (EP) Tues. Rejected a Proposal to Require Retention of Communications Data.” Communications Daily 9 June 2005. LexisNexis. George Mason University Library, Fairfax. 19 Oct. 2006.

“U.S., European Union Agree on Passenger Data.” Los Angeles Times 7 Oct. 2006. 19 Oct. 2006 <http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-briefs7.6oct07,1,5837271.story?coll=la-headlines-business>.

“US to Vow At EU Summit to Respect Rights in Anti-Terror Fight.” Agence France Presse 21 June 2006. LexisNexis. George Mason Library, Fairfax. 19 Oct. 2006.

 

Download this report in PDF format

Literary Analysis, Research

Hills Like White Elephants – Literary Analysis

The short story “Hills Like White Elephants,” by Ernest Hemingway, is about a young couple and the polemic issue of abortion. Though the word ‘abortion’ is nowhere in the story, it is doubtlessly understood through Hemingway’s powerful use of two literary elements: setting and symbolism.

From the first paragraph the setting immediately introduces the tense atmosphere that will surround the rest of the story. The story takes place in Spain in the late 1920’s. The setting is described as follows:

The hills across the valley of the Ebro were long and white. On this side there was no shade and no trees and the station was between two lines of rails in the sun. […] The American and the girl with him sat at a table in the shade, outside the building. It was very hot and the express from Barcelona would come in forty minutes. It stopped at this junction for two minutes and went to Madrid.

The couple is in the middle of making a drastic decision where there are only two choices, two directions, just like the two rail lines that pass by the station. The openness and loneliness around the railroad station imply that there is no way to back out of the problem at hand and that the man and the girl must address it now. The heat turns the scene into a virtual teakettle, boiling and screaming under pressure. The landscape that encompasses the station plays a fundamental role in the conflict of the story through its extensive symbolism.




When the girl sees the long and white hills she says that “they look like white elephants.” As she observes the white hills she foresees elatedly the birth of her baby – something unique like the uncommon white elephant. The color white symbolizes the innocence and purity of her unborn child. She also admires the rest of the scenery:

The girl stood up and walked to the end of the station. Across, on the other side, were the fields of grain and trees along the banks of the Ebro. Far away, beyond the river, were mountains. The shadow of a cloud moved across the field of grain and she saw the river through the trees..

The fields of grain and trees represent fertility and fruitfulness, which symbolize her current pregnant state and the life in her womb. The Ebro River also represents life, as it germinates the fields. Just as the girl appreciates the panorama and its connection to her unborn child the “shadow of a cloud,” which represents the abortion of the fetus, overcomes her happiness. After an exchange of words with the man she again looks at the scenery, but this time in a different way, as the following sentence illustrates: “They sat down at the table and the girl looked across the hills on the dry side of the valley and the man looked at her and at the table.” The man is obviously in favor of the abortion, and everything he says is an effort to persuade her into it. As she considers his point of view she looks at the dry side of the valley, which is barren and sterile, symbolizing her body after the abortion. The man and woman continue arguing and stop for a little when she says, “Would you please please please please please please please please stop talking?”

He did not say anything but looked at the bags against the wall of the station. There were labels on them from all the hotels where they had spent nights.

The American apparently wants this abortion because he wants to keep his current lifestyle. The bags with all the hotel labels on them are symbolic of his vivacious spirit. If the woman goes ahead with the pregnancy, he would have to settle down and raise a family, which would mean forgoing his youthful desires of seeing the world.

The story ends with the couple expecting their train’s arrival in five minutes. There is no resolution and there is no decision stated regarding the abortion. Hemingway’s interweaving of setting and symbolism helps him juice each sentence to provide maximum detail. This story was not only intended for the pleasures of reading, but also though provocation. Hemingway has intentionally left the readers to conclude for themselves what will happen next.

Literary Analysis, Research

The Age of Empire: 1875-1914

The Age of Empire: 1875-1914

The 19th century was the most European century in all history according to Eric Hobsbawm in his book “The Age of Empire”. “The Age of Empire” focuses on historical events from 1875-1914, and explains the events that led the path to the Great War in 1914 by analyzing the sociopolitical environment in Europe. The book concentrates the majority of its attention on “the six ‘powers’ – Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary and Italy – and the Ottoman Empire […]” (Hobsbawm 23); with a focus on the first three respectively. Hobsbawm explains how the First World War was incited by drastic changes in the world’s sociopolitical conditions and hasty industrialization. Among issues tackled in his book, Hobsbawm speaks about the rise of the democratic institution, political emergence of the working class, and the fervent industrialization that resulted from an armament race.

“After 1870 it became increasingly clear that the democratization of the politics of states was quite inevitable” (Hobsbawm 85). The European powers formally began to adopt socialist parties in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Germany pioneered by forming the “General German Workers’ Association” in 1863 (Roskin 188); In Britain “the new Labour party [was] founded in 1900” (Roskin 33); In France the “French Section of the Workers International” was founded in 1905 (Roskin 147).

In an effort to hold on to political and economic power, the ruling conservative classes that once controlled Europe as monarchies and theocracies took steps to manage impending democratization of their states. “Their major target was the labour and socialist movement which suddenly emerged internationally as a mass phenomenon […]” (Hobsbawm 101). Huge socialist movements threatened the bourgeoisie, so they took steps to soften the brunt of the up-and-coming working class. An example of the upper-class efforts to hold back socialist movements was when “the British Conservative government used the South African War […] to sweep away its [socialist] Liberal opponents in the ‘Khaki election’ of 1900” (Hobsbawm 103). Aside from the war victories of conservative governments, nationalism was used as a tool to slow down the growth of socialist and liberal parties. The French government instituted the Fourteenth of July as a national festival and permanently assigned the extremely patriotic “La Marseillaise” as the national anthem in 1879. The Germans also branded a particularly nationalistic anthem “Deutschland Uber Alles” and even created a new Prusso-German flag in the 1890s. The conservative efforts to downplay these new movements were successful. It was this newly-bred nationalism that led European socialist movements to join “their governments and ruling classes in patriotic union” “when war broke out in 1914” (Hobsbawm 108).

Even though the conservative ruling classes of Europe had some triumphs over the working class, the socialist movement proved to be there to stay. Worker-unions had attained “a legal status and privileges so far-reaching” that employers and the conservatives “did not succeed in reducing or abolishing them until the 1980s” (Hobsbawm 121).

An entire chapter of Hobsbawm’s book is dedicated to “the uncertainty of the bourgeoisie.” This uncertainty was a result of the elimination of classes as an accurate method of separation caused by the rise of the working class in political and social affairs. “The Revolution had abolished classes” in France; and in Britain “classes, not being closed castes, did not exist” (Hobsbawm 170). Monetary power became less and less defining as a mark of higher social status. “The chief indicator of social membership increasingly became, and has remained, formal education” (Hobsbawm 174). Society’s elite attended “public schools” in Britain, “Lycées” in France, and “the classical Gymasien” in Germany (Hobsbawm 174). Britain’s private schools generated an “old boy network that assists graduates later in life” (Roskin 54).

“Peace was the normal and expected framework of European lives” before 1914 (Hobsbawm 303). The six ‘powers’ of Europe were too busy advancing and dealing with internal changes in socio-political conditions to be bothered by the next nation. The only place war seemed inevitable was in the Ottoman Empire, which as far as its history goes, has been in toil due to civil wars. Even Russia, who was constantly at battle, fighting with the “Turks in the 1870s and Japanese in 1904,” as not suspected as a reason for an all-out European war. The idea of a general European war was popularized in the fiction of the time along with commentaries of well-known figures such as Friedrich Engels and Nietzsche. European countries took measures to prevent a “possible war in the 1890s by instituting “The World (Universal) Peace Congresses – […] the Nobel Peace prizes (1897) and the first of the Hague Peace Conferences (1899) […]” (Hobsbawm 304). Tensions of some sort of a war became increasingly imminent from the late 1890s to 1914.

During the period of 1875-1914 armies existed not only to assist in internal and external problems, but more so as a method to instill pride and nationalism. Military personnel were the main attraction of parades and ceremonies; they also served as a rite-of-passage for young men. The military might of a European nation was arguably the major source of national pride, and European countries were ready to take the necessary steps to keep a dignified position amongst its fellow European nations. This created the competitive spirit that pushed Europe’s super-powers into the arms race that would increase tensions between them.

“The arms race began in a modest way in the later 1880s, and accelerated in the new century, particularly in the last years before the war” (Hobsbawm 307). A race of industries amongst the powerful European nations also came to be, mainly between the Germans and British. Under Kaiser Wilhelm II Germany’s industry rapidly came to excel that of Britain’s, which was the world’s industrial leader. In 1889 weapons became the next issue of importance as Wilhelm II of Germany began building an enormous naval fleet to compete with the famous Royal Navy of Britain. The landlocked Britain wisely focused the majority of its efforts and money on the Royal Navy while Germany’s naval fleet equipped with the most advanced gunnery began appearing formidable. Even the increasing military focus in the years preceding 1914 is not enough of a reason for a war of such a great scale that was to come. “[…] what drove Europe into the war was not competitive armament as such, but the international situation which launched powers into it” (Hobsbawm 309).

Allies and enemies began to take form in the few years before 1914. Many were obvious relationships due to historical and contemporary problems. “Germany and France would be on opposite sides, […]” because of the hostile annexation of Alsace-Lorraine (Hobsbawm 312). Bismarck of Germany clearly molded the allegiance between Germany and Austria-Hungary. Given the preceding facts, the “Triple Alliance” was created in 1882 between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. The Austrian takeover of Bosnia from Russia, clearly labeled these two nations as enemies. This joined France and Russia as allies in 1891, as nations with common enemies. The final addition to these two blocs was Britain, when it came over to the anti-German camp. The alliance of Britain, France and Russia, became known as the “Triple Entente” which was completed and made official in 1907.

The alliances formed before The Great War were roughly brought together simply through associations. The Germans had no quarrel with the Russians and Austria-Hungary had no problems with France. “(Nobody worried much about the tergiversations of Italy, which was only a ‘great power’ by international courtesy)” (Hobsbawm 314). The Ottoman Empire owed allegiance to the German side because of “German economic and strategic penetration of the Ottoman Empire […]” (Hobsbawm 317). The British fear of being removed as the “force to be reckoned with” by an over-confident and zealous Germany was a main reason for its choice of sides. Though Britain did not have any overwhelming reason for “friction with Prussia – and the same seemed to be true of the super-Prussia now known as the German Empire” (Hobsbawm 314). As a matter of fact, given its history with France, Britain has a more justifiable enemy with the French.

World War I was a catastrophic event that baffled everyone involved. Governments were perplexed by there own affiliations and the reasons behind the war appeared even more ridiculous. As stated by Hobsbawm “In 1914 the peoples of Europe, for however brief a moment, went lightheartedly to slaughter and to be slaughtered. After the First World War they never did so again.”


Works Cited

Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Empire. New York: Vintage Books, 1989.

Roskin, Michael G. Countries and Concepts. 8th ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall: 2004